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President Donald Trump has turned his second term into a test of how far a U.S. president can push the boundaries of power, wielding the machinery of government in ways his predecessors rarely attempted — and often against individuals and institutions he views as enemies.
Seven months into his return to the White House, Trump has invoked a string of rarely used laws, issued sweeping executive orders, and directed federal agencies to target universities, media outlets, law firms, and even sports franchises. Supporters hail his moves as a necessary rebalancing of authority, while critics say he is openly weaponizing government for personal and political gain.
Trump’s “cards” approach to power
Trump often frames politics as a high-stakes poker game, boasting of his advantages over adversaries. “We have much bigger and better cards than they do,” he said of China last month. To Canadian officials in June, he declared: “We have all the cards. We have every single one.”
That philosophy, analysts say, underpins his governing style. “Weaponizing the state to win the culture war has been essential to their agenda,” said David N. Smith, a University of Kansas sociologist who studies Trump voters. “They didn’t like it when the state was mobilized to restrain Trump, but they’re happy to see it fighting the culture war on their behalf.”
Sweeping moves against critics
Trump’s actions in recent months highlight his willingness to test old guardrails:
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He deployed hundreds of federal agents and National Guard troops across Washington under a rarely used statute allowing him to seize control of local law enforcement. He has threatened similar deployments in Democratic-led cities like Baltimore, Chicago and New York.
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He fired a Federal Reserve governor, citing unproven claims of mortgage fraud.
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He revoked federal research funding for several elite universities and threatened to cut visas for international students. Under pressure, Columbia University reached a $220 million settlement, while the University of Pennsylvania reversed records set by transgender swimmer Lia Thomas.
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He threatened to block the Washington Commanders’ new stadium unless the team restored its former name, once widely criticized as a racial slur.
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He secured multimillion-dollar settlements against media companies in lawsuits widely regarded by experts as weak.
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His Justice Department, led by Attorney General Pam Bondi, has launched new investigations of Democratic officials, including New York Attorney General Letitia James and Sen. Adam Schiff.
Trump’s allies insist these steps are not abuses of power but examples of decisive leadership. “What the nation is witnessing today is the execution of the most consequential administration in American history,” said White House spokesman Harrison Fields.
Redefining presidential authority
Trump entered his first term complaining of “weaponized” government and vowing to dismantle it. Now, he is harnessing the same levers of state against opponents.
He has revoked security clearances, pushed law firms out of government contracts, and reassigned prosecutors who handled cases involving him. In New York, he dropped corruption charges against Mayor Eric Adams to gain cooperation on immigration enforcement.
Scholars warn his use of power is unprecedented. Steven Lukes, an emeritus professor at New York University and author of Power: A Radical View, said Trump embodies three dimensions of influence: intimidation, agenda-setting, and shaping preferences. His innovation, Lukes said, is what he calls “epistemic liberation” — the willingness to simply invent facts and persuade followers to accept them.
“This idea that you can just say things that aren’t true, and then it doesn’t matter … that seems to me a new thing, at least in liberal democracies,” Lukes said.
Campaign promises reversed
During the 2024 campaign, Trump railed against what he called the “weaponized Department of Injustice.” He claimed he would restore fairness and end partisan prosecutions.
“Never again will the immense power of the state be weaponized to persecute political opponents — something I know something about,” Trump said during his second inaugural address.
Yet within weeks of returning to office, Trump signed orders targeting a Democratic law firm, directed the Justice Department to investigate former officials from his own administration, and deployed troops in the capital.
That turnabout, experts say, underscores how Trump’s instincts — honed in business and politics — remain rooted in accumulating cards, then playing them aggressively. With loyalists across government and a Congress and Supreme Court largely deferring to him, the president faces fewer restraints than ever.
