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Top congressional Democrats on Saturday called for Congress to immediately return to Washington and vote on whether to halt further U.S. military action against Iran, after President Donald Trump signaled a potentially extended conflict aimed at forcing regime change in Tehran.
The House and Senate were already expected to consider war powers resolutions in the coming days, but Trump’s decision to launch strikes alongside Israel injected new urgency into the effort.
“I’ll get on the next plane flying,” said Rep. Gregory W. Meeks, the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, and other Democrats echoed calls for swift congressional action to restrain the president.
Republican leaders John Thune and Mike Johnson did not immediately respond to demands that lawmakers return to Washington. Both issued statements supporting the strikes, which the United States carried out in coordination with Israeli forces.
Renewed war powers push
The looming votes represent the latest test of a long-shot strategy Democrats have used to challenge Trump’s authority to order military action without congressional approval. Since Trump returned to office, lawmakers have attempted to use the War Powers Resolution to block or limit military operations in multiple countries, though none of the efforts have succeeded.
Democrats have framed the resolutions as an attempt to reclaim Congress’ constitutional power to declare war. But internal divisions threaten the effort. During a call Saturday among House Democrats, some lawmakers expressed doubt that the party had enough votes to pass a resolution, according to people familiar with the discussion. As many as five Democrats may oppose the measure.
Sen. John Fetterman and Rep. Josh Gottheimer had previously said they opposed the resolutions. Rep. Jared Moskowitz said he would support a vote only after military action began, not while diplomatic talks were ongoing.
“Committed Democrat here,” Fetterman wrote Saturday on X. “I’m a hard no. My vote is Operation Epic Fury.”
Kaine and constitutional concerns
Sen. Tim Kaine, one of the chief architects of the war powers strategy, had sought to force a vote before the strikes, warning the U.S. could slide into a “full-blown war” if Congress delayed. After the attacks, Kaine called the operation a “colossal mistake” and demanded the Senate return immediately.
“This is one of the most dangerous efforts Trump is undertaking in his second term — trying to normalize war without Congress,” said Sen. Andy Kim.
The War Powers Resolution, passed in 1973 over President Richard Nixon’s veto in response to the Vietnam War, allows a single lawmaker to force a vote on limiting or ending U.S. military action. But presidents can veto such measures, and Congress has never successfully overridden one.
GOP resistance and political risk
Congress passed two war powers resolutions during Trump’s first term — one related to Yemen and another following the killing of Iranian general Qasem Soleimani — but Trump vetoed both.
Republican support has eroded further during Trump’s second term. While dozens of Republicans backed similar measures years ago, only a handful have supported recent resolutions. Some Democrats say fear of political retaliation is a factor.
Sen. Adam Schiff said a Republican senator privately told him they worried Trump would punish their state for supporting such votes.
Others remain skeptical of the strategy. Sen. James E. Risch, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, dismissed failed war powers votes as political theater.
“Messaging is a wonderful thing, but actually doing something is much more powerful,” Risch said.
White House response
White House spokeswoman Anna Kelly said before the strikes that Trump had been “incredibly transparent with Congress” and would continue to brief lawmakers as he pursued what the administration described as restoring American strength and protecting national security.
Despite doubts about passage, Kaine said forcing votes remains essential.
“When lawmakers are put on the record, behavior starts to adjust,” he said.
